Messika jewelry is now prominently on display in the luxury storefronts of Beirut’s ABC Ashrafieh mall. But behind the sparkle lies a far more troubling reality. Messika is not merely a high-end label; it is owned and operated by Valerie Messika, the daughter of Andre Messika, a prominent figure in Israel’s diamond industry. The journey of these diamonds, from Tel Aviv to Beirut, traces a stark trajectory through war, occupation, and systemic oppression.

Andre Messika’s diamond empire has long been recognized and rewarded by Israeli authorities. His companies have received numerous accolades from the Israeli Ministry of Economy, including the “Outstanding Exporter Award”, in acknowledgment of their major role in boosting Israeli exports. These honors are more than ceremonial; they highlight the strategic importance of the diamond trade to Israel’s economy. Between 2011 and 2013 alone, Messika diamond exports surpassed $300 million. Far from being mere symbols of luxury, these exports have been vital in sustaining Israel’s economy, a significant portion of which supports its military infrastructure. The diamond exchange hub in Ramat Gan generates billions annually, with substantial profits contributing directly to Israel’s armed forces; the same forces responsible for repeated military operations in Gaza and Lebanon.

The presence of Messika in Beirut raises urgent questions. How did a brand so deeply embedded in the Israeli economy find its way into a capital that has endured the consequences of Israeli aggression firsthand? Lebanon maintains an official state of war with Israel and consistently affirms its solidarity with the Palestinian cause. Yet, luxury products with direct ties to the Israeli military economy are sold openly in its most prominent commercial centers.

Israel’s blood trade in Africa

Israel’s domination of the global diamond trade is not a tale of economic prowess. It is a conduit for conflict, occupation, and systematic violence. The occupation’s diamond industry stands as a linchpin of its economy. But beneath the sparkle lies a far darker reality: this trade underwrites conflict, from African mines to Gaza’s rubble, fueling violence at every turn.

Although Israel lacks diamond mines, Tel Aviv’s Ramat Gan enclave of settlements has become a global hub for cutting and polishing. This industry is propped up by “conflict diamonds,” rough stones sourced from regions plagued by war and forced labor.

Between 2011 and 2013 alone, Messika diamond exports surpassed $300 million. Far from being mere symbols of luxury, these exports have been vital in sustaining Israel’s economy, a significant portion of which supports its military infrastructure.

Rough stones are uncut, unpolished gemstones that are mined directly from the earth in their natural form. These stones, such as diamonds, emeralds, sapphires, and rubies, are later cut and polished for use in jewelry, industry, or collection. The term "rough" simply refers to the stone’s raw state before any processing or refining.

Yet despite the Kimberley Process, established in 2003 to prevent "blood diamonds" from reaching international markets, its narrow scope excludes stones linked to state-backed violence. Rough stones may be tracked, but polished diamonds are outside its scope. Global Witness withdrew from the process in 2011, citing its lack of enforcement power. This loophole has allowed Israel’s diamond trade to flourish.

Israel benefits of chaos in Africa

Despite persistent allegations, Israel’s diamond dealings in Africa have not gone unnoticed on the global stage. In 2009, the United Nations Committee of Experts on Public Administration raised serious concerns about illicit diamond exports, explicitly citing Israel’s role in illegally trading conflict diamonds sourced from African nations under UN sanctions. The UN Security Council report documented that shipments totaling over 929 carats had breached embargoes in countries such as Liberia, highlighting Israel’s complicity in exploiting conflict zones for diamond wealth.

Israel benefits from African export routes. The exploitation of resources of nations like Zimbabwe, Angola, the DRC, Sierra Leone, and Ivory Coast (powerhouse suppliers of rough stones) fuels instability and constant conflict. As a result of this instability, Zimbabwe’s Marange fields, for example, have seen human rights abuses such as child labor, torture, and fatal beatings by security forces, even as their diamonds carry the Kimberley Process “conflict-free” seal.

Key figures in this trade include billionaire Lev Leviev, convicted miner Benny Steinmetz, and Dan Gertler; all linked to illicit African diamond networks, an investigation by TRT found. Leviev allegedly smuggled $18 million in rough diamonds into Israel and used profits to back illegal settlements. Gertler’s activities in the Democratic Republic of Congo involved high-level political corruption and smuggling.

Israel has methodically embedded itself into Africa’s extractive economies, most notably by exchanging military support for access to Africa’s mineral wealth. In one striking example, International Diamond Industries–Congo (IDI-Congo), part of Israeli oligarch Dan Gertler's network, secured a monopoly on the Democratic Republic of Congo’s diamond production in 2000. Under the agreement, Israel’s IDI-Congo received 70 % of the profits from diamond exports, while only 30 % flowed into the Congolese treasury.

According to UN panels, the deal also included covert weapons transfers and training for Congo’s security forces, effectively bartering arms for diamonds. Despite promising to pay $20 million upfront, IDI reportedly paid just $3 million before Kinshasa terminated the contract in April 2001.

What happens to those profits?

With polished diamond exports reaching up to $9.2 billion in 2014 and employing nearly 12–15% of Israeli exports, TRT World details how roughly $1 billion per year from diamond revenues flows into Israel’s Defense Ministry, funding cutting-edge weaponry used in Gaza, Lebanon, and the West Bank .

These funds contribute to procurement and maintenance of F‑35 jets, drones, tanks, and artillery, the very instruments that have caused tens of thousands of civilian deaths since October 2023.

Israel benefits from African export routes. The exploitation of resources of nations like Zimbabwe, Angola, the DRC, Sierra Leone, and Ivory Coast (powerhouse suppliers of rough stones) fuels instability and constant conflict.

How much do African nations earn from this?

Africa remains central to global diamond output, with six of the world’s top ten diamond-producing nations (such as Botswana, Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa, Namibia, and Lesotho) located on the continent . Botswana leads in production and is second globally.

While Africa remains central to global diamond production, its financial gains from the industry are disproportionately low when compared to the profits amassed further up the supply chain. According to the Kimberley Process, African countries collectively account for over 60% of the world's rough diamond output by volume. However, the value added through cutting, polishing, and retailing, activities usually conducted outside the continent, accounts for the majority of profits.

For example, Botswana, which has negotiated relatively favorable terms with De Beers through its joint venture Debswana, retains only around 20–25% of the final value chain when considering mining taxes, royalties, and local employment, which is far more than most African nations, but still modest in comparison to profits captured at the consumer end.

Spare no mineral in Africa

Israeli tycoon Benny Steinmetz’s hands are also dripping with African blood diamonds and minerals. He bought his largest diamond factory in South Africa as a start in 1988 before he expanded his activities to other African nations. He then branched out his ventures to mining.

The Panama Papers revealed the shadowy mechanisms by which Israeli billionaire Benny Steinmetz secured control over African diamond and mineral resources. Through his company BSGR and offshore entities, Steinmetz managed Sierra Leone’s Koidu mine, which produced up to 90% of the country’s rough diamond exports; over 900,000 carats worth $336 million between 2012 and 2015.

Documents show that DIACOR International, another Steinmetz-affiliated firm, concealed his continued ownership by backdating a power of attorney for his brother, a clear attempt to maintain control behind the scenes while distancing his name from official records. The Panama Papers also unveiled how Steinmetz’s network undervalued Sierra Leonean diamonds, funneling them through Geneva and Tel Aviv, typically after acid treatments at Israel’s Penford facility, selling them at much higher international prices while Sierra Leone lost revenue.

These funds contribute to procurement and maintenance of F‑35 jets, drones, tanks, and artillery, the very instruments that have caused tens of thousands of civilian deaths since October 2023.

Sierra Leone isn’t the only African country which was exploited by the Israeli billionaire. In a 2021 ruling, a Swiss court found Israeli tycoon Benny Steinmetz guilty of paying $8.5 million in bribes to Mamadie Toure, one of the wives of Guinea’s former president Lansana Conte, between 2006 and 2010. These payments were made to secure lucrative rights to exploit iron‑ore concessions in the Simandou region; a site estimated to contain Africa’s largest untapped iron deposit. Steinmetz was sentenced to five years in prison and fined 50 million Swiss francs, with the conviction upheld on appeal in April 2023.

This case highlights how Steinmetz’s company, BSGR, used extensive bribery to gain control over Guinea's mineral wealth, making it one of the most significant resource corruption cases in recent African history.

Steinmetz was later arrested in Cyprus in September 2023 and fined for securing mining concessions in Guinea, with ties to Israeli military units like the Givati Brigade, notorious for operations in Gaza.

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Lebanon’s Israel Boycott Office is unable to take immediate measures against the French luxury brand Messika, despite its known ties to the Israeli economy. This is due to legal and bureaucratic hurdles that require a lengthy approval process. Unless a product is clearly marked in Hebrew or is already on the Arab League's boycott list, it can enter Lebanon without interference.

In Messika’s case, its French registration and lack of overt Israeli labeling allowed it to bypass scrutiny at customs. The Boycott Office must refer any suspected Israeli-linked brand to the Arab League, which meets annually. If approved, the issue is then sent to Lebanon’s Council of Ministers for a final decision. Only after this can enforcement begin, and importers be barred from continuing distribution.

As a result, brands with Israeli affiliations can remain in circulation in Lebanon for months, even years, pending official action. Similar delays have occurred before with other products, sparking public backlash. The office often relies on public tip-offs but remains constrained in its ability to act until all formal steps are completed.